| European
Tropical Forest Research Network |
ECONOMICS
NTFPs
- INCOME FOR RURAL POPULATIONS OR NOT?
By Eva Wollenberg
and Brian Belcher
After early enthusiasm about the potential of nontimber forest products (NTFPs) to provide sizeable incomes to local people and thereby reduce poverty and provide incentives for forest conservation (Peters et al. 1989), a number of limitations and concerns about this potential have emerged. In this article we summarize lessons learned about the contribution of NTFPs to rural income from research facilitated by CIFOR, especially Neumann and Hirch (2000), Ruiz-Pérez and Arnold (1996), Townson (1995) and Wollenberg and Ingles (1998). We highlight that NTFPs play important subsistence and safety-net roles in the rural economy, but only a small subset of forest products possesses potential for significant cash income and employment generation. Moreover, the factors that limit forest product development are the very same structural and political-economic conditions that have all along marginalized rural populations.
The wide interest in NTFPs and their contributions to income stems from the fact that many rural people use a large variety of forest products for foods, medicines, building materials and rituals. The majority of these products have low cash values and are used for consumption, rather than for sale. Many are important, especially to the poorest, because they are low cost, on common property lands, and are used by people because they have no alternatives. NTFPs often play critical roles as "safety-nets" by providing food or income in times of shortage, as important dietary supplements, especially for children, and as cultural symbols. Generally speaking, it is important to recognize these values, even if they are difficult to quantify, and to protect them where possible. But, such products do not, in most cases, provide a viable basis for improving income.
In contrast to these low value products, there is a smaller number of NTFPs that can contribute significantly to rural cash incomes. These include several rattan and bamboo species, resins, birds' nests, various fruits and nuts, and medicinal plants. Timber is one of the most valuable products, but the availability of timber-based incomes to local communities has been limited. Products have contributed to incomes most where specialization and the application of principles of agricultural intensification have occurred. We should concentrate efforts on these products to achieve the largest improvements in income. In many rural areas there are, however, important limitations to their development as enterprises, including poor market conditions, geographic and social marginalization, and limited capacities. Where benefits have accrued, more powerful actors tend to appropriate them. The very reasons why people in forest areas are poor to begin with have been the constraints that would also block enterprise development.
If we can address these constraints to enterprise development, we will be addressing the fundamental elements of poverty. The optimism about the potential for NTFP-based development springs from the fact that forest products offer an entry point for these kinds of changes. The availability of forest resources accessible to poor people and with potential for commercial development presents an opportunity to involve poor rural people in improving their economic options. Through interventions that strengthen rights to manage and harvest valuable resources, and that improve skills to manage and market those resources, poor rural communities can be enfranchised. In this view, NTFP development can be a 'stepping-stone' to broader socio-economic development. The variability of conditions required for enterprise development suggest the need for careful and regular assessment of markets, policy conditions and harvest impacts, with a willingness to adapt in response to new information.
Even where enterprise development is successful, there is still the question of NTFP development as a tool for conservation. Here, it is important to recognize that, if NTFP-based development is successful, people may choose to diversify, and even abandon the original activity. If they can generate capital through NTFP-based enterprises, they may be better off, at some point, to re-invest in other sectors (Ruiz-Pérez et al. 1999). Moreover, the role of NTFPs as a source of income is unlikely to provide a sufficient incentive for forest conservation because of their limited dependence on the larger forest. A single product can provide incentives for conservation of the species from which it was harvested, but rarely for the entire forest habitat.
In conclusion, the income potential of NTFPs needs to be re-thought in several ways. The main lessons are:
Eva Wollenberg, Brian Belcher
Program on Local
People, Devolution and Adaptive Co- Management
Center for International
Forestry Research (CIFOR)
PO Box 6596 JKPWB
Jakarta 10065, Indonesia
Tel:+ 62 251 622622,
Fax:+ 62 251 622100
Email: L.Wollenberg@cgiar.org,
b.belcher@cgiar.org
For the list of references please contact the authors
NTFPs:
ECONOMIC AND CONSERVATION POTENTIAL IN CENTRAL AFRICA
By David S.
Wilkie, Laurie Clark, Ricardo Godoy
Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) are frequently touted as important to household consumption, and as a way to maintain or to increase the value of standing forest and thus discourage deforestation. In this article we assess the contribution of NTFPs to the household and to forest conservation. We do so by reviewing some of the most reliable and up-to-date quantitative studies, with a focus on Central Africa.
The value of NTFPs to
households
Recent research
reconfirms that NTFPs do provide sources of food, medicines, and income to many
households in Central Africa (Sunderland et al., 1999). Yet, these studies
also confirm that the contribution of NTFPs to local and national economies
is typically small relative to agriculture. In four forest villages in south-western
Cameroon, NTFPs contributed 9% to the household economy compared with 43% for
agriculture. Similar figures are reported for households in south-eastern Cameroon
(NTFPs 1.2%; agriculture 31%) and south-western Central African Republic (NTFPs
10%; agriculture 51%). Harvesting of wild NTFPs is most important for poor families
that have limited or no access to agricultural markets. Wealthy households or
those with access to agricultural markets (i.e. those that can sell cash crops)
often consume NTFPs, but seldom harvest them for sale.
In the south-west and north-west provinces of Cameroon the total value of NTFP production and marketing exceeded US$19 million in 1999, and contributed 2.8% to the regional economy. In contrast, timber, in this predominantly logged-over area, contributed 5%, and agricultural crops 27% (Abwe et al., 1999). In areas of Cameroon where old-growth trees have yet to be harvested the value of logging is considerably higher.
Harvesting of wild NTFPs is dirty, arduous and at times dangerous work. Wild harvesting and processing of NTFPs usually requires high labour inputs and is typically economically feasible only when the opportunity costs of labour are low or when prices for NTFPs are high. As a result, harvesting of wild NTFPs is typically a symptom of poverty rather than a cure.
The relatively small contribution of NTFPs to household economies in Central Africa is mirrored by the results of a recent review of global forest valuation studies (Costanza et al., 1997). Average worldwide values (converted to 1994 dollars with an additional correction for purchasing power) of tropical forests for food production, raw materials, and intangibles (i.e. carbon sequestration, biodiversity conservation, and ecological services) were $32, $315, and $1,660 per hectare per year respectively. Estimates of the direct (i.e. tangible) value of the forest may, however, be exaggerated given the short duration of most studies. When Godoy and his colleagues (2000) directly measured and valued forest resource consumption patterns of 32 indigenous families in Honduras continuously over 2.5 years, the direct value of the forest to local communities ranged from $18-24 per hectare per year, considerably lower than the global average of $347.
These studies suggest that tropical rain forests are worth more for their global rather than their local values (Chomitz and Kumari, 1998), and that NTFPs may be less likely than previously thought to provide economic incentives to conserve tropical forests.
NTFPs do provide critical supplies of food during periods when agricultural crops fail or are otherwise scarce. Yet one must be cautious before attaching too much weight to the insurance value of the forest. Rural people can protect themselves against mishaps either by taking precautionary measures before shocks take place (e.g. inter-cropping, plot scattering) or by relying on reciprocity, tolerated theft, or out migration after shocks strike (Godoy and Wong, 2000).
The sustainability of
harvesting NTFP
To increase the
relative contribution of NTFPs to household economies, raise the value of intact
forest, and discourage forest clearing, many have argued for increased commercialization
of NTFP use. In this section we review evidence for the sustainability of commercial
NTFP production in Central Africa.
Though NTFPs have been used for millennia, human population in the forested regions of Central Africa is higher now than it ever has been in history, and is likely to double to over 60 million in 20 years. As with any wild plant or animal, if harvesting exceeds annual production then resources will progressively be depleted and become locally extinct.
NTFPs prized for their leaves, roots or bark are particularly prone to unsustainable use, because harvesting either damages or kills the parent plant. Commercial demand for Gnetum and harvesting practices that destroy the parent plant, has driven wild populations of this leafy vine to local extinction in Nigeria and much of south-western Cameroon. Cameroon can supply approximately 200 tons annually of Prunus africana bark on a sustainable basis. Yet over 3,500 tons were harvested and exported in 1999. Worse, for both Prunus africana and Pausinystalia johimbe, current 'sustainable' harvesting practices that partially strip bark from live trees exposes them to stem-boring insects that can result in 50-90% post-harvest tree mortality (Cunningham et al., 2000).
There is growing evidence that as NTFPs increase in value there is a trend toward over-harvesting of wild resources, increased on-farm production, and exclusion of resource users by resource managers. Of the 20 most economically valuable NTFPs in Central Africa, 11 are unsustainably harvested and 12 are now cultivated (Wilkie, 1999). This trend suggests that few if any commercially valuable NTFPs can be harvested sustainably from the wild, given present resource access and ownership laws.
Two major options are available to manage NTFPs. The first, domestication and on-farm cultivation is appropriate when wild resources are being over-exploited and at risk of local extinction. In Cameroon, several NTFPs are already grown within farmers' fields (e.g. Irvingia, Dacryodes, Ricinodendron and Piper) and field trials are demonstrating the potential for on-farm cultivation of Gnetum and rattans. The second involves putting in place systems to define who has access to wild NTFP resources in a given area, and to regulate harvest levels. This will require privatization of forest resources at the household or community level - a complex political process that has barely begun in Central Africa.
Without reforms in relation to who has access to NTFPs, most commercially valuable NTFPs will be over-harvested in the wild. On-farm cultivation will increase the economic value of NTFPs to landowner families, but will decrease NTFP access for landless families. On-farm cultivation of high value NTFPs may reduce pressure to harvest from the wild, but may increase incentives to clear forest to cultivate these new crops.
In summary, recent evidence strongly suggests that NTFPs contribute little to household economies relative to agriculture, and are thus unlikely to provide an economic incentive for conserving intact forests.
David S. Wilkie
Boston College
18 Clark Lane
Waltham, MA 02451,
USA
Tel: + 1 781-894-9605
Email: dwilkie@bc.edu
Laurie Clark
P.O. Box 437
Limbe, Cameroon,
Central Africa
Email: Lclark9069@aol.com
Ricardo Godoy
Sustainable International
Development Program
Brandeis University,
60 Turner St.
Waltham, MA 02454-9110,
USA
Email: rgodoy@brandeis.edu
For the list of references please contact the authors
MEASURING THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC VALUE OF NTFPs ON A REGIONAL OR NATIONAL LEVEL: CASE STUDY FOR NORTH-WEST AND SOUTH-WEST CAMEROON
By Mark van Dorp, Rudo Niemeijer and Don Offermans
Introduction
This article stresses
the need for socio-economic valuation of the NTFP sector on a regional or national
level. It presents a recently developed method for NTFP valuation, which has
been extensively field tested in Cameroon. It appeared that for North-West and
South-West provinces of Cameroon, the economic value of NTFPs amounted to US$
19 million in 1998, or around 3% of regional income. Major NTFPs included palm
wine, bushmeat and bush mango (Irvingia gabonensis). It is recommended
to further develop and apply this method for improved decision making in sustainable
forest management and conservation.
The value of NTFP valuation
Imagine a traditional
healer in Cameroon using the fruits of the Ricinodendron heudelotii to
treat a woman with pregnancy problems. If she is cured, the value added of this
transaction can be expressed in two ways: through the market or non-market value
of the goods and services provided at low cost by the ecosystem, and through
the opportunity cost of modern medicines, which would have been necessary had
the forest been destroyed for alternative economic purposes.
This simple example shows the importance of NTFPs to the economy, especially in poor countries. However NTFPs are usually excluded from national statistical databases (contrary to industrial timber) and, consequently, do not feature in the Gross National Product of a country. By assigning a monetary value to the NTFP sector as a major source of food, medicines and income for the poor, the value of maintaining the forest becomes apparent. This presents local communities and policymakers with a strong argument for forest conservation or wise use. Even in the case of overexploited NTFPs, like bushmeat in Central Africa or Brazil nuts in the Amazon, it is important to know the economic value of the resource as a sustainability indicator.
Description of the
NTFP valuation method
Valuation of the
NTFP sector is performed in three steps (Van Dorp et al. 1999):
Spatial analysis methods are used to reduce survey costs and enhance precision, while the scope of the survey and level of detail are adapted to local conditions and the available budget. Ideally, a complete national survey consists of four sampling periods per year to account for seasonal variation. In practice, this can be tackled by using recall methods and field checks. Additional data are gathered on home consumption, gender and socio-cultural aspects of the NTFP sector.
Case study for North-West
and South-West Cameroon
The NTFP valuation
method was field tested in the North-West and South-West provinces of Cameroon
during a six-month period (CERUT and AIDEnvironment 1999). The study zone covers
about 42,000 km2 with a population of around 2 million people.
After a period of intensive training and rapid assessment, two local teams of five people each collected field data during hundreds of interviews with local producers and traders in 86 locations. These locations ranged from villages deep in the forest to large urban markets along the market chain. Data on NTFP collection, processing and trade were recorded and later entered into an NTFP database. On the basis of this database, the results of the survey were analysed and reported.
In the study zone NTFPs make up an essential part of local income and household consumption, especially for women. In 1998 the NTFP sector accounted for US$ 19 million or around 2.8% of regional income for the two provinces covered (excluding the value of agro-industrial plantations and cultivated NTFPs). A total of 140 products harvested in the wild were identified and regrouped into 16 NTFP categories. The most important product categories in terms of value added (in % of total value) are palm wine (26 %), bushmeat (11%) and minor animal products (11%) followed by forest conservation projects (10 %) and diverse plant products, e.g. bush mango, kola nuts, spices, medicines and building materials (4-8 %) (Van Dorp et al. 2000). The gender analysis of the NTFP sector showed remarkable differences between different products: for instance production and processing of palm wine were dominated by men, while the marketing chain for bush mango was predominately in the hands of women (from production to retailing). In general men had a larger share of total income from NTFP production (around 63%), while women had a larger share of total income from NTFP trade (around 54%).
Discussion
NTFP valuation and
marketing have become important aspects of both forest management and local
development programmes. The method presented here offers a standardised method
for NTFP valuation for wide application, including improved monitoring of NTFP
extraction. Future application will enable the method to include both small-scale
surveys of single products and smaller study areas, and large-scale surveys
encompassing whole nations. Further field-testing, developing and applying the
valuation method as described above, will extend the knowledge base about NTFPs,
eventually leading to more balanced decision making. This can be achieved through
training programmes for local policy makers and NGOs. This will finally enable
people to account and compare the wealth of forests world-wide, and to take
accompanying policy measures.
Acknowledgements
The field test in
Cameroon was made possible with the financial support of ICCO (Netherlands)
as the main funding agency, as well as WWF Cameroon and CARPE/BSP (USA), and
own contributions by CERUT and AIDEnvironment.
Mark van Dorp, Rudo Niemeijer
and Don Offermans
AIDEnvironment
Donker Curtiusstraat 7-523
1051 JL Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Tel. +31 20 6868111, Fax +31 20 6866251
Email: info@aidenvironment.org
Http://www.aidenvironment.org
For the list of references and a list of NTFP product categories in terms of value added please contact the authors.
CREATING INCENTIVES FOR CONSERVATION: NTFPs AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION
By R.J. Fisher
Introduction
An incentives approach
has been advocated to create linkages between conservation and the economic
interests of local people. The theory behind this approach is that generation
of income from local forests can provide a positive incentive for sustainable
use and can thus contribute to conservation. This article will explore some
experiences with this incentives approach, applied to NTFPs, in Asia.
The Incentives Approach
in Asia
The incentives approach
is being applied and supported in various ways in Asia. For a number of years,
the Joint Forest Management programme in India has placed considerable attention
on income generation through NTFP production to encourage rural people to participate
in government forest conservation activities. IUCN, The World Conservation Union,
has NTFP projects in the Lao PDR and Vietnam, which specifically aim to promote
NTFP production and marketing as an incentive to forest conservation. An Asia-wide
NTFP Network coordinated by IUCN in Bangkok has encouraged and facilitated sharing
of experiences in the region. A book on methodologies for NTFP-based income
generation has been published by CIFOR (Wollenberg and Ingles 1998). The Regional
Community Forestry Training Center (RECOFTC) and the Community Forestry Unit
at FAO in Rome have, along with IUCN and other partners, developed a methodological
package called 'Market Analysis and Development (MA&D) for Community-based
tree and forest product enterprises'. The methodology has been tested in various
projects in Nepal, Vietnam and the Lao PDR and a field manual has just been
published (Lecup and Nicholson 2000).
Has the Incentives
Approach Been Effective?
As far as conservation
benefits are concerned, there is so far little clear evidence either way, although
lessons have been learned about conditions under which success can be possible.
One international study (mainly in Asia, but also including other regions) by
the Biodiversity Conservation Network (BCN) was specifically set up to test
the incentives approach, which was field-tested in seven countries, twenty different
projects, thirty-nine sites and forty-eight different community-based projects
over seven years. The BCN report concluded that "an enterprise strategy can
lead to conservation benefits, but only under limited conditions... and never
on its own" (Salafsky et al. 1999: 37). Among these limited conditions are that
the enterprise must be viable and that there must be a linkage between the enterprise
and biodiversity such that declines in biodiversity will affect the viability
of the enterprise.
While 'the jury is out', there is obviously some potential for achieving conservation benefits in some circumstances. However, the verdict on the effectiveness of incentives approaches to NTFP-based income generation seems less promising.
In a review of literature including project reports, I was able to find very little clear evidence of people receiving significant economic benefits from NTFP enterprises associated with outside interventions based on the incentives approach. There was literature predicting positive outcomes for planned or commencing projects, but I could find no example of a detailed cost-benefit analysis of a completed project which demonstrated that project participants had benefitted from interventions overall. Accounts of income from one source, almost invariably ignored loss of other benefits no longer available after interventions. In other words people gain income from collecting one product, but lose because other products are forbidden. Although there was no analysis of the overall economic impacts, there were documented cases of significant income resulting from improved production or marketing of individual products, as in a case of improved bamboo marketing in the Lao PDR, which led to a fourfold increase in family income from bamboo in one village (Foppes and Ketphanh 2000).
There are also examples of community-initiated NTFP production and marketing activities which are clearly dependent on conservation. One example is Pred Nai village in Thailand where villagers collect and sell crabs from a mangrove swamp. The villagers clearly recognise that they need to protect and regenerate mangroves in order to provide food for the crabs. Such cases of indigenous 'sustainable production' systems are quite common throughout Asia, if not always well recognised.
Externally sponsored projects may have been more successful in terms of income generation linked with conservation than has been documented. However, the documented success is certainly not very impressive.
Conclusion: The Potential
of the Incentives Approach applied to NTFPs
There is little doubt
that, on a world scale, a vast quantity of NTFPs are used by forest communities
and that significant cash income is generated. Nevertheless, forest communities
generally remain poor and it may be that both market realities and the 'political
ecology' of the context within which they live is not particularly likely to
be changed by interventions based on the incentives approach.
Income generation from higher value forest products (such as cardamom, yang oil or hemp) is not elastic. Wide promotion of a product is likely to reduce its market value. Consequently, focusing on a particular NTFP may benefit only small numbers of people.
However, the realities in terms of 'political ecology' are perhaps the greatest limitation. As Dove (1993) points out, forest communities tend not to have legal access to valuable forest products. Timber for example, is almost always under the control of forest departments and non-local interests. The collection and sale of NTFPs by Asian communities is often illegal, although collection of low value products is often tolerated. When a product becomes valuable, new restrictions are imposed or existing ones enforced.
The incentives approach attempts to break the poverty-forest degradation cycle by opening new forest-based opportunities for income generation, mainly through NTFPs. It seeks to do this through introduction of marketing and business planning. The problem may be that valuable NTFPs are rarely available to communities.
Note
This paper is based
on a longer paper ('Poverty Alleviation and Forests: Experiences from Asia')
prepared for the Workshop 'Forest ecospaces, biodiversity and environmental
security' at the IUCN World Conservation Congress in Amman, Jordan, 4-11 October
2000.
R.J. Fisher
Regional Community Forestry Training Center for Asia and the Pacific
RECOFTC, Kasetsart University
PO Box 1111
Bangkok 10903, Thailand
Tel: + 662 9405700, Fax: + 662 5614889
Email: ftcrjf@ku.ac.th
Http://www.RECOFTC.org
For the list of references please contact the author
NWFPs IN EAST KALIMANTAN, INDONESIA: AN ANALYSIS OF SILVICULTURAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THEIR SIGNIFICANCE AND DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL FOR THE LOCAL PEOPLE IN A FORESTRY CONCESSION AREA
by Carol M. Grossmann
Background
Expectations that an intensified management of NWFPs will increase the income
of rural people living near forests, as well as encourage conservation of natural
forests, are increasingly being criticised for being based either on insufficiently
tested hypotheses or scientific studies with only unilateral sectoral analyses.
Objectives
Setting
The concession
area of the timber company Limbang Ganeca in central East Kalimantan (Borneo)
and two bordering villages were selected as the research area. The originally
predominant ecosystem is Lowland-Dipterocarp-Forest, including primary and logged-over
forest. The forest cover has been increasingly reduced by other forms of land
use.
Methodology and results
The interdisciplinary
concept covered silvicultural and socio-economic aspects.
The forestry component consisted of a sample inventory with 340 0.4 ha plots. The species, population densities and regeneration of perennial plants producing NWFPs were investigated. A primary and a logged-over forest stand were compared in order to detect the impact of commercial logging on the supply of NWFPs.
58 tree species, 34 rattan species, 8 other palm species and 4 liana species producing NWFPs were identified. On average, they were represented by 0.3 to 19.7 adult individuals per species and hectare. Selective logging had a significant impact on the population of about half of these plant species, some benefiting and some being negatively affected.
The socio-economic aspects of the use of NWFPs by local people were analysed using the following methods - monthly structured and semi-structured interviews, product counts, food diaries, and participatory observation. Thirty-one households provided quantitative data on the contribution of NWFPs to their income and subsistence from July 1995 to June 1996.
Five percent of the average monetary household income was derived from NWFPs. Of this 5%, about half was obtained through the sale of game at the village-level. Together with income made from edible birds' nests and dried reptile skins, over 80% of cash earned from NWFPs was wildlife-related. The remaining 20% of the NWFP-based income was derived from plants, mainly through village-level sales of rattan articles.
Individual households demonstrated broad variations of total cash income and of the respective contribution of NWFPs, ranging from zero to 100%. Differences in commercial use of NWFPs could be connected to the economic status of the household and to the ethnic affiliation and cultural homogeneity of the household members.
The importance of NWFPs for subsistence was analysed by investigating the contribution of NWFPs to nutrition and the value of durable NWFPs in the form of articles of daily use, based on local market-prices. Faunal NWFPs (game) were identified as the second most important source of protein. Vegetative NWFPs were consumed only with 5.2% of the meals. All households owned articles made partly or completely of durable NWFPs. Their replacement value totals five times the amount of money earned by selling NWFPs.
Conjunction of results
An area of 100,000
hectares of naturally managed forest was estimated to be required to continuously
supply the people of the research villages with all plant-derived NWFPs at their
current consumption rate. This figure corresponds with the total management
area (including primary and logged-over forest) of the timber concession company
Limbang Ganeca and surpasses the usual area of forest-related activities by
the village people. To supply the need for most NWFPs, but excluding rare and
sought species, a total area of about 4,000 hectares of naturally managed forest
might suffice.
131 NWFP-producing plant species were identified in the NWFP inventory, of which only 42 species were actually used during the research period; the products of a mere 10 species were traded locally. An under-used market potential could be assumed, in as far as products provided by at least 25 of the locally recorded NWFP-producing species were traded in other regions of Borneo. Several substantial economic and product inherent reasons were identified as to why so many theoretically usable NWFPs were not used at all and why more than 60% of all NWFPs with market prices were not sold commercially.
Conclusions and recommendations
Because of these
limitations, the development of an intensified management of NWFPs in these
natural forests by local people cannot be expected. Consequently, no significant
incentives are being generated for the conservation of natural forests.
Recommendations were formulated with respect to four different development scenarios for the research area. A sectoral promotion of the management of NWFPs in natural forests is not an issue in either of these options. Nonetheless, the data indicate an increasing demand for particular local NWFPs that, in turn, do have some degree of management potential outside of natural forests, above all in improved traditional agroforestry cultivation systems.
The most important feature of this study lies in its interdisciplinary research conceptualisation, combining methods and results of an inventory and of an in depth socio-economic survey. As the study demonstrated, either approach on its own could have led to an overestimation of the management potential of NWFPs in the research area.
Acknowledgements
This piece is based
on a PhD dissertation funded by the BMZ, written at the University of Hamburg,
and hosted by the Indonesian - German Project "Promotion of Sustainable Forest
Management in East Kalimantan"
Reference
Carol M.
Grossmann (2000): Nichtholz-Waldprodukte in Ost-Kalimantan, Indonesien: Analyse
der waldwirtschaftlichen und sozio-oekonomischen Aspekte ihrer Bedeutung und
ihres Entwicklungspotentials für die Lokalbevölkerung in einem Holzkonzessionsgebiet.
Mitteilungen der Bundesforschungsanstalt fuer Forst- und Holzwirtschaft (BFH)
Nr. 199, Hamburg
For further information
please contact:
Dr. C. M. Grossmann
University of Freiburg
Institute for Forest
Policy, Markets and Marketing Section
Bertoldstr. 17
D-79085 Freiburg,
Germany
Tel.: +49 761 203
3726, Fax: +49 761
203 3729
Email: cgrossma@uni-freiburg.de
SOUTHERN AFRICAN FORESTS - THE POOR PEOPLE'S SAFETY NET
By Jaboury Ghazoul
Southern Africa's rural households depend as much on their surrounding forests as they do on their crops. William Cavendish's recent study of Southern African rural livelihoods, 'Empirical Regularities in the Poverty - Environment Relationship of African Rural Households', demonstrates that Zimbabwe's rural families use hundreds of wild plants and animals for food, medicine, fuelwood, building materials, furniture, baskets, livestock fodder, and other uses. Termite mounds and leaf litter provide a major source of fertilizer. Livestock fodder, wild foods, and fuelwood contribute most to household incomes, although, around three quarters of all income comes from a wide range of other natural products. Interestingly, it is the poorest households that most depend on forest products even if, in absolute terms, the richer households consume more forest products.
One of these products, the caterpillar of an emperor moth that feeds almost exclusively on the mopane tree, hence mopane worm, has become the focus of a new 3-year project recently funded by the UK Department for International Development (Forestry Research Programme). Following the initiative of DFID-FRP, Will Cavendish and Jaboury Ghazoul, both of Imperial College, University of London, coordinated a consortium of research organizations, NGOs, CBOs, and private enterprises, to seek ways of enhancing the potential for both stable and sustainable income generation by sale of mopane worm in local and regional markets. Traditionally, the mopane worm has been harvested for domestic use by rural households and has made a significant contribution to rural diets, but more recently its potential for income generation has become clear. The consortium is seeking ways to promote the sustainable production of mopane worm across mopane woodlands in southern Africa. Through a cluster of studies it aims to highlight the most appropriate opportunities available to poor farmers and landless families to increase the returns from the mopane worm harvest while ensuring that demands for other woodland resources are met. The research will examine the role and potential of mopane worm to improve livelihoods through expanding local consumption and increasing returns from local and regional trade, and will lead to practical actions that local communities can take towards assessing mopane worm production, reducing harvesting impact on the mopane woodland resources, improving harvesting and processing techniques and developing marketing networks.
An important goal of the socioeconomic research being carried out by Peter Frost (Institute of Environmental Studies, Zimbabwe), Owen Shumba (Southern Alliance for Indigenous Resources, Zimbabwe) and Andrew Dorward (Imperial College) on mopane woodland products is to put the value of mopane worm use in the context of the broader household economy and to identify the opportunities and constraints arising from interactions between NTFP based activities and other household activities.
Research on community-based mopane worm farming has the potential to ensure regular and controlled harvests even in areas where the mopane worm seldom occur. Community-based commercial production of mopane worm is being investigated by Frank Taylor of Veld Products Research and Development in close collaboration with Kgetsi ya Tsie women's community group in Botswana and Member Mushongahande (Forest Commission, Zimbabwe). Nigel Poole of Imperial College is leading research on the associated market opportunities for, and constraints to, the sale of mopane worm.
Mopane woodland ecology and management will be the focus of research conducted by Dirk Wessels (University of the North, South Africa) and Member Mushongahande with the aim of producing optimal conditions for the semi-domestication of mopane worms while meeting other woodland uses demanded by rural households.
For a free electronic
version of Will Cavendish's paper, write to him at:
william_cavendish@new.labour.org.uk
For further information
about the Mopane Worm project, write to:
Dr Jaboury Ghazoul
Lecturer in Forest
Ecology
Imperial College
Silwood Park
Ascot, Berks. SL5
7PY, UK
Tel:+44 20 7594 2536,
Fax:+44 20 7594 2308
Email:
j.ghazoul@ic.ac.uk
NTFP COMMERCIALISATION IN ZIMBABWE
By Oliver Braedt and Bruce M. Campbell
A study of the woodcraft sector in Zimbabwe was conducted to understand the potential role of NTFP commercialisation in rural household livelihoods. Zimbabwe experienced an upsurge in the marketing of woodcarvings and other craft articles during the 1990s. Possible social and ecological impacts originating from this informal commerce have alarmed environmentalists, governmental and non-governmental institutions, and policy makers. Up to the time of the study no clear policy on the woodcarving sector was apparent, with some institutions promoting it as a means to improving income, while other institutions were involved in trying to halt the sector, using the current legislation to guide their actions.
Markets along the major roads in Zimbabwe were monitored and detailed market and household surveys took place in the communal lands of Chivi District. Institutional arrangements controlling tree use were also identified. Participatory appraisal tools were used with groups, semi-structured interviews were held with groups and individuals, and formal questionnaires were conducted with households and key informants. To assess the natural resource base a forest inventory was carried out.
Results indicate that at the end of the 1990s over 200 craft markets existed in Zimbabwe. Since 1990 there has been a momentous rise in the number of these markets, with 88% of all markets surveyed being established in 1990 or thereafter. Wood is the most common material being found in 75% of the markets. The expansion is in part a result of the increased demand by tourists and the need by rural households to find cash income sources. Since the beginning of the 1990s, tourism in Zimbabwe has steadily risen and the role it plays is reflected in the current spatial pattern of the markets, with markets concentrated on the key tourist routes. One major reason for the increase in tourism is the weakness of the currency, with devaluation proceeding throughout the 1990s. Structural adjustment, with its emphasis on the decontrol of the currency, has thus probably played a key role in driving the upsurge in craft production. During this same period, poverty has increased and a number of cash income sources have been reduced (e.g. remittances from urban areas).
Originally the main tree species used in Chivi District were Afzelia quanzensis and Pterocarpus angolensis. With increasing numbers of woodcarvers and a dwindling resource, carvers shifted to other species and the distances travelled for the collection of trees for carving increased. Tree species prefered by woodcarvers are 'reserved' species, the cutting of which is prohibited by state laws. Traditional rules also prohibit their commercialisation. However, enforcement of both the formal and informal rules is rare. At present an open-access situation prevails and there is a degree of confusion and disorder concerning institutional arrangements controlling forest product use.
Most participants involved in the craft sector are usually only sporadically involved, doing carving or trading in crafts when other livelihood options fail, or in seasons when agricultural activities are low. Results reveal that 16% of households in the study area obtain revenues through the commercialisation of forest products, but the total value was less than 6% of the annual cash revenue in the area. 43% of the participants are women, largely restricted to the final stages of carving production - the finishing and selling of the product. Prior to 1980, women dominated craft production in the study area, largely selling pottery. However, men, who focus on stone sculptures and woodcrafts, currently dominate the sector, and it is particularly young men that are involved. In the past, labour migration to earn money and remit some of it to the rural household was frequent, but this is no longer the case. The dominance of the sector by young men reflects the current economic situation.
There are clear entry points that may help to develop the woodcraft production and trade, such that participants can continue to rely on it for at least part of their income from this source. Addressing the legal contradictions that exist between local and national laws is one option. There is legislation to try and ensure sustainable harvesting of woodland resources in communal areas, but most of it is ineffective, as there are problems in its content, interpretation, and enforcement. The commercialisation of a finished woodcraft is legal, but the possession of a harvested log is generally illegal as almost no harvesters seek the necessary permits. Local traditional rules governing resource use from the commons are also not respected. Enforcement is difficult and local leaders use their positions to their own advantage. Given the problems in the national legislation and in the local rules, it is difficult to envisage how the resource could be managed on a sustainable basis.
The facilitation of alternative woods and wood supplies is another central theme in developing the woodcraft sector. The selective use of tree species for carving in Zimbabwe's communal areas is likely to drive some species to local extinction. Active management of the current tree resources is at present unlikely and experiences from other countries (e.g. Kenya, Malawi, Republic of South Africa) indicate that the most commonly used tree species for woodcarvings are close to extinction and can only be found in areas far away from markets selling craft products.
Nonetheless, as participants in the woodcraft sector are mostly part-time, and as households have a suite of livelihood activities, the variations in tourist numbers will result in households moving in and out of different income providing activities. This is probably the one constant phenomenon related to the woodcraft sector in Zimbabwe. Providing the right support to this commercial use of NTFPs will increase the opportunities for some participants to derive a larger share for a longer period of time.
This research was supported by the German Federal Ministry for Development Cooperation (BMZ) and by CIFOR.
Oliver Braedt
Institute for World
Forestry
Federal Research
Centre for Forestry and Forest Products
Leuschnerstr. 91
21027 Hamburg, Germany
Tel: +49 40 73962
100
Fax: +49 40 73962
480
Email: braedt@t-online.de
Bruce M. Campbell
Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR)
Bogor, Indonesia
Email: b.campbell@cgiar.org
Http://www.cgiar.org/cifor
NTFP MARKETS AND POTENTIAL DEGRADATION OF FOREST RESOURCES IN CAMEROON: THE CASE OF GARCINIA LUCIDA
By Ousseynou Ndoye, Manuel Ruiz-Perez and Antoine Eyebe
The growing economic and social importance of NTFPs in Cameroon is well documented in the literature (Ndoye et al. 1999; Eyebe et al. 1999; Ruiz-Perez et al. 2000). There is also a growing dependency of rural households on NTFPs due to various factors (Bikié et al. 2000). For example, the devaluation of the CFA Franc in January 1994 increased the price of beer and whisky, and these were substituted by palm wine and local whisky (Odontol), which is made by distilling fermented palm wine. The pressure on NTFPs increased. One particular NTFP in which trade has increased recently is Garcinia lucida bark, which is used to ferment palm wine as well as having medicinal and anti-poison properties. Garcinia lucida fruit are also sold in the market. While the bark provides valuable alternative income-generating opportunities for rural dwellers, harvesting practices are not always sustainable. This is also the case for NTFPs like Gnetum spp., Garcinia kola, Prunus africana, and palm wine from Elaeis guineensis.
According to Guedje (1996), who identified sites with more than 50% dead trees, G. lucida trees cannot recover if the bark is removed over a large surface around the stem. Inventories show that there is a wide variation in available stocks of G. lucida. Ntamag's (1997) survey showed G. lucida only in virgin forests at an average rate of 4 trees per hectare. In an inventory of 11 complete transects in Southern Cameroon, Van Dijk (1995) did not find a single Garcinia lucida tree and suggested that this could be due to high harvesting levels. Guedje (1997) found 6.86 trees per hectare and also found that Garcinia lucida grows in dense populations with a preference for undisturbed forest habitats (Guedje 1996).
She discovered that trees with diameters equal to or greater than 10 cm were exploited (debarked) most and estimates that the average sustainable yield per tree is 2.5 kg (Guedje, pers.comm.).
The number of G. lucida trees debarked increased from 7,003 in 1996 to 24,756 in 1997. This was followed by a dramatic decline to 13,378 in 1998, possibly due to a reduction in availability of mature trees. Over the same period, the selling price of one bag of G. lucida bark (18 kg) rose from 6,200 to 7,100 CFA Francs, while estimates suggest that the area affected by G. lucida debarking doubled.
Garcinia lucida is governed by an open access regime, which makes the trees become more vulnerable to externalities created by the opportunistic behaviour of a few forest dwellers resulting from higher market demands for the bark. In a situation of economic crisis and an active search for alternative income-generating opportunities, private gains can override the sustainable social benefits that are obtained from G. lucida and lead to depletion of forest resources.
The domestication of G. lucida and its cultivation in multi-strata agroforestry systems could be a means to reduce the pressure on forests. However, they are necessary but not sufficient conditions to increase the aggregate production of G. lucida. Other important conditions are improved access to market information and infrastructure, reduced transaction costs, and improved institutional support for forest dwellers and traders.
A reference list can
be obtained from the authors:
Ousseynou Ndoye
and Antoine Eyebe
Center for International
Forestry Research (CIFOR)
P.O. Box 2008 Yaounde,
Cameroon
Email: cifor.cameroon@iccnet.cm
Manuel Ruiz Perez
Department of Ecology
Autonomous University
of Madrid
28049 Madrid, Spain
Email:
manuel.ruiz@uam.es
CROSS-BORDER TRADE OF NTFPs FROM THE KORUP FOREST AREA, SOUTHWEST CAMEROON*
By Ruth Malleson
Introduction
Ethnic and historical
links, as well as contrasting environmental, economic and social conditions,
have encouraged trade between Cameroon and Nigeria. Rapid population increase
and forest degradation in Nigeria has meant that the Nigerian demand for non-timber
forest products (NTFPs) outstrips national supplies. NTFPs from the Korup Forest
Area (KFA) in Cameroon are now major items of cross-border trade. The strength
of the CFA Franc compared with the Nigerian Naira and heavy taxes on imported
goods make smuggling profitable and the porous border encourages it. As a result
the majority of the cross-border trade in NTFPs is part of the 'informal' economy.
NTFPs and the Cross-border
Trade
NTFPs commonly
harvested in Southwest Cameroon and transported to Nigeria include: bush mango
kernels (Irvingia spp.) used to flavour and add a mucilaginous consistency
to soups; rattan cane (mainly Eremospatha macrocarpa and Laccosperma
secundiflorum); chewstick species Massularia acuminata and Garcinia
mannii, used for dental hygiene; the leaf vegetable eru (Gnetum spp);
bush pepper (Piper guineensis) and afofo, distilled palm wine.
The extraction and trade of most NTFPs exported to Nigeria are controlled and organised mainly by Nigerian wholesalers. These traders hire people from their home areas to extract NTFPs on their behalf rather than buying them from local people. The exception is bush mango, which is collected by inhabitants of the KFA but sold on to itinerant Nigerian traders.
Being part of the 'informal' economy, it is obviously very difficult to collect reliable quantitative information about profits made from the NTFP cross-border trade. However, my research and other studies elsewhere in Cameroon (Ndoye et al 1998; Shiembo 1999 ) indicate that these enterprises can be very lucrative. But most of the profits benefit wealthy Nigerians rather than local people.
Given the lucrative nature of the cross-border NTFP trade, it is important to explain why locals of the KFA have not tried to enter into it. Economic disadvantages relating to the fact that Nigerians dominate and control this trade deter local people from becoming involved. Most locals in the KFA argue that they are unable to enter into this trade because they commonly encounter at least one of the following disadvantages: lack of capital, high transport costs, language constraints and/or lack of connections with main trading partners.
Cameroonian policies relating to the residency of foreigners, the Bakassi border conflict between Nigeria and Cameroon, and swings in the CFA Franc-Naira exchange rate have all contributed to wide and unpredictable fluctuations in income from the cross-border trade of NTFPs from the KFA. For example, in 1993, few traders came to buy bush mango because of the relatively high value of the Naira against the CFA franc (140 Naira to 1,000 CFA). But in January 1994, the CFA Franc was devalued and the exchange rate dropped to 65 Naira to 1,000 CFA. This led to a rush of buyers from Nigeria.
The volatile economic and political conditions in the region sometimes provide opportunities for relatively poor people from the KFA to profit from the cross-border trade of NTFPs. Much of the afofo produced in the southern end of the KFA is marketed in Nigeria by Nigerians. But in late 1993, and throughout 1994, the Bakassi border conflict prevented Nigerian traders from transporting afofo to Nigerian ports. Instead, local people were able to make a profit by marketing it directly to traders and retailers in KFA.
Implications for Forest
Management
My research and
that of other authors (see for example Ndoye et al 1998; Sunderland and
Tchouto 1999; Yembi 1999; Sunderland and Obama 1999; Shiembo 1999; Lapido 1999)
have shown that some NTFPs are important items of cross-border trade in the
humid forest zone of West and Central Africa. With the exception of a few species
such as Prunus africana (an internationally traded medicinal plant),
very little is known about the current harvesting levels of most commercially
valuable NTFPs in the humid forest zone of Cameroon. More research is needed
into this topic and the impact NTFP harvesting is having on forest conservation.
It is worth noting that many of the protected areas in the humid forest zone of West and Central Africa are located on or near national boundaries (Gartlan 1999: 243), in former boundary wildernesses - areas between states which were purposefully left undeveloped by governments for political-economic reasons and depopulated by war (Richards 1996) or by epidemics, such as sleeping sickness (Sharpe 1998: 80). Until very recently (see Gartlan 1999), biodiversity conservationists have often assumed that such areas are economically remote. But as the case of the KFA illustrates, in reality, the cross-border environment may be very socially dynamic. These are often zones where contrasting ecological, demographic and economic conditions meet and where significant cross-border interactions, such as informal trade and population movements, have been taking place for generations.
Forest conservation and development projects located in these areas have largely failed to acknowledge the importance of this trade or to examine the potential to develop and support cross-border synergies in relation to forest management. Development NGOs are starting to look into the potential to develop cross-border synergies for the benefit of local inhabitants - see Whiteside (1999) for example. Attention needs to be paid to assessing the socio-economic and political trends and official policies that may have considerable impact on local people's livelihoods and specifically on the cross-border trade of NTFPs and other products. If trade in one direction is hindered because of economic, political or strategic factors, this has an effect on the trade in the other direction. Official policies, restrictive regulations and corruption currently increase the costs of the NTFP trade to producers and traders. Conservation and development projects need to incorporate these constraints into their analysis of problems and proposed solutions.
* This report is drawn from my recently submitted Ph.D. thesis entitled 'Forest livelihoods in Southwest Province, Cameroon: an evaluation of the Korup experience'. University College London. The research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (UK) Global Environmental Change Programme, whose support is gratefully acknowledged.
For further information
and a list of references please contact:
Ruth Malleson
The Beech Hut
Dunsmore
Aylesbury, Bucks.
HP22 6QJ, United
Kingdom
Tel: + 44 1296-696103
Email: RMalleson@AOL.com
CONSTRAINTS, POTENTIALS AND PERSPECTIVES FOR NTFP PROCESSING IN SOUTHERN KYRGYZSTAN
By Gulmira Ismailova
Southern Kyrgyzstan is home to the last remaining natural walnut forests on earth. They constitute a globally unique ecosystem comprising such species as walnut (Juglans regia), apple (Malus spp.), pear (Pyrus spp.), hawthorn (Crataegus spp.), Sogdiana plum (Prunus sogdiana), dog-rose (Rosa spp.) and other plants. They represent an extremely valuable reserve of rich genetic biodiversity, containing over 180 tree and shrub species. The walnut forests produce a large number of NTFPs including nuts, fruits and berries, honey and other bee-keeping products, medicinal plants and mushrooms. The natural conditions of the forest area are particularly favourable for the development of bee-keeping and production of ecologically pure high-quality honey with valuable medicinal properties.
About 48,000 people live in the walnut forest area. Their livelihoods depend directly on the use of forest resources, including the harvesting of NTFPs.
In Soviet times, the main NTFPs were harvested, processed and sold on the internal market of the Soviet Union. Some enterprises specializing in NTFP processing were located in the walnut forests. In addition, NTFPs were processed by other enterprises engaged in processing of agricultural products or pharmaceutical enterprises located elsewhere in the Kyrgyz republic, sometimes even outside it (especially for medicinal plants). Products manufactured by these enterprises were sold in the whole of the former Soviet Union. There were no problems related to marketing as the sale of production was guaranteed by the state within a planned system of production and sale of manufactured production.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the gaining of independence by Kyrgyzstan, economic ties with the other republics were broken and the former markets lost. Many processing enterprises were forced to stop their activities, some worked at below full capacity or, in response to market forces, changed their range of manufactured products to producing mainly fruit and vegetable puree, different pickled vegetable products, etc. Their technical equipment also leaves much to be desired, with many enterprises still reliant on Soviet equipment from the 1970-80 era. At that time, many forest areas were accessible for vehicles. Nowadays much of the forest can only be accessed by horse, thus creating additional difficulties for NTFP processing.
Many NTFPs, particularly fruits and medicinal plants, are now no longer harvested or processed. Local people harvest forest products only for their own consumption. Many wild-growing fruits are left to rot in the forest. The forests in Kyrgyzstan are state property but neither the Leshozes (State forestry body) nor local people have any knowledge of processing, business management or marketing.
In 1997, with the support of the World Conservation Union, the Government of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Swiss Government, elaborated a Walnut Forest Action Plan to ensure the conservation and sustainable use of this unique forest ecosystem . The Action Plan consists of 11 projects including one on "Processing and marketing of non-timber forest products". To implement the project, the collaborators of the Kyrgyz-Swiss Forestry Support Program, LES-IC, have supported a number of different NTFP processing and marketing activities. These include the establishment of several mini-enterprises (private persons or groups of people) engaged in producing jam and dried fruits from wild-growing fruits and berries, harvesting and drying medicinal plants, development and processing of bee-keeping products, extraction of walnut kernels, packaging and grading, obtaining walnut oil and ensuring sales. Service centres have been established to provide consulting and marketing services, conduct training of interested persons in management of production, processing, marketing, etc.
Research is being carried out to identify products having the greatest market potential, sale markets, criteria for defining quality and marketable state of forest products. The ecological purity of the products of the walnut forests is, of course, their main potential sales advantage.
For further information
please contact:
Gulmira Ismailova
Responsible for
project "Processing and marketing of non-timber forest products"
LES-IC office, Novoselov
street 1, Sputnik
Jalal-Abad, 714611
Kyrgyzstan
Tel/fax +996 3722
53169; +996 3722 50241
E-mail: jalabad@imfiko.bishkek.su
COMMERCIALISATION OF NTFPs: FACTORS INFLUENCING SUCCESS
By Elaine Marshall
Why is it that commercialisation of NTFPs does not consistently contribute to poverty alleviation? A new 3-year project is being funded by the Forestry Research Programme of the UK Department for International Development to analyse the opportunities and constraints to commercialisation of NTFPs at the household and community level, through comparative analysis of case studies. Market structure will be analysed for selected NTFPs, to identify interventions necessary for successful commercialisation. Gender issues and community perceptions of success will receive particular attention. Outputs will include (i) a manual developed and tested with rural communities, to provide tools for successfully developing NTFP resources, and (ii) an Expert System for use by decision-makers to evaluate the potential for successful NTFP commercialisation.
The main collaborators on this project are the UNEP World Conservation Monitoring Centre and the Overseas Development Institute in the UK; Grupo de Estudios Ambientales, Grupo Mesófilo, Methodus Consultora, Estudios Rurales y Asesoría Campesina (ERA), SEMARNAP and PROCYMAF in Mexico; Universidad Nur, Care-Bolivia and the Superintendencia Forestal in Bolivia; and Fauna & Flora International in Nicaragua.
We are bringing participants from the field of NTFPs to present both successful and unsuccessful case studies at our project inception workshops in Mexico, March 2001, and Bolivia, April 2001. We feel we have as much to learn from case studies which have been successful as those which have failed. During our workshops, we will undertake a collaborative analysis of NTFP case studies, and facilitate project stakeholder discussion in an attempt to reach consensus on defining and measuring success at community level. Our research methodology for measuring successful NTFP commercialisation, will build upon previous research undertaken by CIFOR (1999). Specifically, we hypothesise that success is associated with:
The links between these conditions are unclear, and their relative importance has not been evaluated. Based upon the workshop findings, we will further develop and refine our research methodology and collaboratively explore the relationship between these factors, and their respective influences on achieving successful commercialisation at inter and intra community levels, during the 2nd and 3rd year of the project. Field data collected will be used to evaluate the research hypotheses from our workshop, in two different areas each of Mexico and Bolivia. In parallel to these activities we will collect data along the market chain, on selected traded NTFPs, to explore the potential for market intervention strategies.
This publication is an output from a research project funded by the United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID) for the benefit of developing countries. The views expressed are not necessarily those of DFID. [Project R7925, Forestry Research Programme]
For further information
contact:
Miss Elaine Marshall,
Project Co-ordinator,
UNEP-WCMC,
219 Huntingdon
Road
Cambridge CB3 0DL,
United Kingdom
Tel: +44 1223 277314,
Fax: +44 1223 277136
Email: Elaine.Marshall@unep-wcmc.org